Iraqi Al-Amal Association and Baghdad University’s Public Opinion Poll On Poverty In Iraq

The University of Baghdad and the Iraqi Al-Amal Association recently released a public opinion poll they conducted on poverty in Iraq. Khalid Kahntoush Sachet of the College of Arts oversaw the study. It surveyed 11,198 families from ten provinces. The survey found that there were a large number of female-headed households due to wives losing their husbands because of violence. Iraqi families also had large numbers of children. Together these increased the poverty level in the country, as women can’t provide as much as men, and the size of Iraqi families have increased while the economy has not. Almost two-thirds of the families interviewed were found to be below the international poverty line, and few receive any help. They still believed in the government however, and most wanted to participate in the upcoming elections.

Families

The first questions were about the state of the families. 59.4% were headed by males, while 39.9% were headed by women. Most Middle Eastern families have male heads of households, so this was a very high percentage led by women. The cause is the violence that has wracked the country. Of those women leaders, 65.6% were widowed. The number of people in each family was also large, usually between 6-10, 49.3%, followed by 1-5, 43%. This increased poverty, as the economy has not as grown as fast as the size of families, leading to unemployment. 65.9% of families earned 250,000 dinars or less. That equaled roughly $420 a year for each family member, below the $500 international poverty level. 60.5% of those interviewed were displaced. Of those, 87.1% said they wanted to return to their homes if security improved.

Aid and Needs

The majority of families were in need of basic services, but received little aid official or otherwise. In terms of the government, only 31.5% of those surveyed received aid from any ministries or local governments. The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, which is responsible for the poor, only helped 12.9%. The Ministry of Displacement and Migration only helped 9.3%. Local councils assisted 6.5%. 68.5% received no government assistance at all. Non-government organizations (NGOs) did much better, aiding 50.8%. That still left a large percentage of the population sample without any help. Despite this, 74.3% believed that the government could assist them in some way.

The basic needs of the families broke down into three groups, which the study called security – electricity 22.3%, water 20.3%, and housing/shelter 10.1%, employment – food 9.3%, jobs 9.3%, money 9.2%, and services – fuel 8.9%, health care 7.8%, and schools 2.4%.

Provincial Elections

58.1% of respondents said they wanted to vote in the upcoming elections, with 23% were undecided, and 18.9% said they would not participate. When asked what kind of party they would vote for independents came in first, 26.3%, followed by democratic-secular groups 23.7%, and religious parties 22.7%. Tribal figures 7.3% and national blocs 6.3% came in last. When broken down by province, the democratic-secular parties fared the best, coming in first in Baghdad, Diyala, and Sulaymaniya, and second in Salahaddin, Anbar, Najaf, and Qadisiyah. Independents came in first in Basra, and second in Baghdad, Tamim, and Diyala, while the religious parties came in first in Qadisiyah, Salahaddin, and Najaf, and second in Babil. Basra had the most telling responses. The Shiite Fadhila party currently runs the province, but 70.2% said they would vote for independent figures instead. When unidentified was added to that the number came to 90.3% who did not support the current ruling parties. Tribal figures were also only popular in Anbar due to the Awakening. As discussed before, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki is currently forming Tribal Support Councils across much of the country. According to this poll, that may not help him much as they registered less than 10% or less in every province outside of Anbar.

For more on Iraqi public opinion see:

Iraq Center for Research & Strategic Studies’ Survey Of Iraqis

Pentagon Public Opinion Poll of Iraqis

Here are the results of the poll.

The survey questioned 11,198 families from 10 provinces

Origins
Anbar: 801 families – 7.1%
Babil: 981 families – 8.8%
Baghdad: 2729 families – 24.4%
Basra: 2000 families – 17.9%
Diyala: 810 families – 7.2%
Najaf: 900 families – 8%
Qadisiyah: 800 families – 7.1%
Salahaddin: 1140 families – 10.2%
Sulaymaniya: 800 families – 7.1%
Tamim: 237 families – 2.1%

Head of Household
Male: 6654 – 59.4%
Female: 4463 – 39.9%
Unidentified: 81 – 0.7%

Marital Status of Female Headed Households
Single: 336 – 7.5%
Unidentified: 518 – 11.6%
Divorced: 683 – 15.3%
Widowed: 2926 – 65.6%

Number of Family Members
Unidentified: 51 – 0.5%
More than 21: 12 – 0.1%
16-20 Members: 48 – 0.4%
11-15 Members: 749 – 6.7%
6-10 Members: 5524 – 49.3%
1-5 Members: 4814 – 43%

Monthly Family Income
Unidentified: 1289 – 11.5%
More than 500,000 dinars: 316 – 2.8%
351,000-500,000 dinars: 680 – 6.1%
250,000-350,000 dinars: 1530 – 13.7%
Less than 250,000 dinars: 7383 – 65.9%

International Poverty line is $500 a year per family member
Iraq averages to $420 a year per family member

Official Aid
Ministry of Endowment: 311 – 2.8%
City Council: 725 – 6.5%
Ministry of Displacement and Migration: 1045 – 9.3%
Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs: 1447 – 12.9%
No Aid: 7670 – 68.5%

Non-Official Aid
Religious Organization: 1374 – 12.3%
Red Cross/Red Crescent: 1972 – 17.6%
International Non-Government Organization: 2337 – 20.9%
No Aid: 5515 – 49.2%

Would Displaced Families Return To Their Homes If Security Improved
Yes: 5905 – 87.1%
No: 876 – 12.9%

Basic Needs of Family
Others: 34 – 0.1%
Schooling: 773 – 2.4%
Health Care: 2551 – 7.8%
Fuel: 2902 – 8.9%
Money: 3000 – 9.2%
Jobs: 3029 – 9.3%
Food: 3121 – 9.6%
Housing/Shelter: 3256 – 10.1%
Water: 6626 – 20.3%
Electricity: 7286 – 22.3%

Can The Government Meet Their Needs Or Not
Unidentified: 461 – 4.1%
Unable: 2419 – 21.6%
To An Extent: 4142 – 37%
Able: 4176 – 37.3%

Desire To Vote In Upcoming Elections
Won’t vote: 2115 – 18.9%
Undecided: 2577 – 23%
Will vote: 6506 – 58.1%

What Kind of Parties Will They Vote For
National blocs: 706 – 6.3%
Tribal Figures: 822 – 7.3%
Unidentified: 1138 – 12.4%
Religious Parties: 2545 – 22.7%
Democratic-Secular blocs: 2639 – 23.7%
Independent Figures: 2947 – 26.3%

What Kind Of Parties Will They Vote For By Province
Anbar:

• Unidentified: 2 – 0.2%
• Religious Parties: 52 – 6.5%
• National blocs: 4 – 0.5%
• Democratic-Secular blocs: 273 – 34.7%
• Independent Figures: 79 – 9.9%
• Tribal Figures: 391 – 48.8%

Babil:

• Unidentified: 551 – 56.2%
• Religious Parties: 182 – 18.6%
• National blocs: 8 – 0.8%
• Democratic-Secular blocs: 111 – 11.3%
• Independent Figures: 114 – 11.6%
• Tribal Figures: 15 – 1.5%

Baghdad:

• Unidentified: 427 – 15.6%
• Religious Parties: 579 – 21.2%
• National blocs: 106 – 3.9%
• Democratic-Secular blocs: 828 – 30.3%
• Independent Figures: 656 – 24.0%
• Tribal Figures: 133 – 4.9%

Basra:

• Unidentified: 401 – 20.1%
• Religious Parties: 72 – 3.6%
• National blocs: 2 – 0.1%
• Democratic-Secular blocs: 73 – 3.7%
• Independent Figures: 1404 – 70.2%
• Tribal Figures: 48 – 2.4%

Diyala:

• Unidentified: 42 – 5.2%
• Religious Parties: 149 – 18.4%
• National blocs: 47 – 5.7%
• Democratic-Secular blocs: 270 – 33.3%
• Independent Figures: 262 – 32.3%
• Tribal Figures: 41 – 5.1%

Najaf:

• Unidentified: 9 – 1.0%
• Religious Parties: 388 – 43.1%
• National blocs: 56 – 6.2%
• Democratic-Secular blocs: 234 – 26.0%
• Independent Figures: 120 – 13.3%
• Tribal Figures: 93 – 10.3%

Qadisiyah:

• Unidentified: 8 – 1.0%
• Religious Parties: 461 – 57.6%
• National blocs: 39 – 4.9%
• Democratic-Secular blocs: 144 – 18.0%
• Independent Figures: 128 – 16.0%
• Tribal Figures: 20 – 2.5%

Salahaddin:

• Unidentified: 16 – 1.4%
• Religious Parties: 487 – 42.7%
• National blocs: 135 – 11.8%
• Democratic-Secular blocs: 388 – 34.0%
• Independent Figures: 69 – 6.1%
• Tribal Figures: 45 – 3.9%

Sulaymaniya:

• Unidentified: 63 – 8.4%
• Religious Parties: 159 – 19.9%
• National blocs: 195 – 24.4%
• Democratic-Secular blocs: 307 – 38.4%
• Independent Figures: 55 – 6.9%
• Tribal Figures: 21 – 2.6%

Tamim:

• Unidentified: 20 – 8.4%
• Religious Parties: 16 – 6.8%
• National blocs: 115 – 48.5%
• Democratic-Secular blocs: 11 – 4.6%
• Independent Figures: 60 – 25.3%
• Tribal Figures: 15 – 6.3%

What Should the United Nations Do In Iraq
Unidentified: 926 – 8.2%
Humanitarian Aid: 2530 – 22.6%
Supervise Elections: 2316 – 20.7%
Maintain Security: 5426 – 48.5%

SOURCES

Sachet, Khalid Hantoush, “Results of the Field Survey For Needs and Opinions of The Poor in Iraq,” Iraqi Al Amal Association and University of Baghdad, September 2008

Iraq Peacebuilders Storm Capitol Hill

Yesterday was intense. I spent the day on Capitol Hill with longtime EPIC colleague Lisa Schirch and a delegation of peacebuilders from the region, who are implementing active peacebuilding programs inside Iraq. There’s a real hunger in Washington for genuine peacebuilding solutions, especially solutions that come from the ground. At the Capitol Hill briefing we helped organize, we had standing room only and had to turn dozens of people away. The audience was a good mix of congressional staffers, government agencies, NGOs and academics. Although the press was invited, none showed up.

As our regular blog readers and subscribers have noticed, we’ve been writing a lot about the absence of Iraq peacebuilders in the media and in Washington. There’s lots of talk about “military options” ranging from “the surge” to all-mighty withdrawal, but not a whole lot of talk about what’s needed as part of a comprehensive political, diplomatic and economic strategy for ending the war.

As much as the marketers at Boeing and Lockheed Martin may wish us to believe otherwise, peacebuilding does not land in helicopters or launch from battleships. Sure, there might be a role for the projection of military power under certain circumstances, but entrusting sustainable peacebuilding and development to a foreign occupying military and weapons systems makes about as much sense as a screen door on a submarine.

The more the international community, U.S., and Iraqi government overlook peaceful agents of change, the more we will see men with guns step in to rule the day. It’s time for governments, regional agencies, and international organizations to start getting serious about directing resources to those in Iraq who are truly part of the solution: Iraq peacebuilders.

For those of you half-expecting me to invite everyone to hold hands for a round of Kumbaya, let me introduce you to a few folks who are the real deal.

Hero Anwar is the human resources and program monitoring & evaluation manager for REACH, an Iraqi nongovernmental organization established in 1995 to work in community development. A Kurdish Sunni Muslim, she has extensive experience working with Community-Based Organizations (CBOs) in villages and towns throughout Iraq. REACH is also involved in humanitarian relief, and promoting the abilities of vulnerable Iraqi groups to stand for a fair sustainable livelihood regardless of political, race, religious, or gender affiliations. All this with only a $1 million annual budget (including a microcredit program dispensing over $300,000 in $1,000 loans to Iraqis) and 45 staff members between four offices, one of which is in the troubled Diyala Province.

Samira Samarji (“Sister Helen”), was the director of St. Jackob Monastery in Baghdad from 2000-2006, before moving to Lebanon to work at the Patriarchal Institutions of the Syrian Orthodox Church. An Iraqi, she worked with Iraqi youth and knows well the humanitarian needs of people in Baghdad.

Samuel Rizk is the Executive Director of the Forum for Development, Culture and Dialogue (FDCD). FDCD works to empower marginalized, oppressed communities and address the challenges they face through a process of dialogue, inter-faith solidarity and cooperation among communities. FCDC also promotes sustainable development, justice and reconciliation, and strengthening the role of women and youth in inter-cultural dialogue. Here is FCDC’s latest newsletter on their work in Iraq (PDF) where they are supporting 15 Iraqi NGOs implementing projects in conflict resolution and peacebuilding in their local communities.

Following the Capitol Hill briefing, Lisa and I took the delegation to meet with Senate offices. The reception was very positive. The delegates shared detailed accounts of successful and ongoing projects that are building security from the ground up.

On very modest budgets, REACH and FCDC are implementing 100s of projects throughout Iraq. Both organizations rely on local involvement, protection and ownership. Their projects are helping to create jobs and restore public services. Furthermore, many of these projects are sources of genuine conflict prevention and resolution by engaging diverse communities in shared probelm-solving for the common good.

In other words, “peacebuilding through development” is not just a catchphrase for fuzzy thinkers. It works, and I was honored to spend the day with some of the men and women who are on the frontlines of those efforts.

Interview with President of Iraqi NGO

Just a heads up, EPIC just published an interview with Khaldoon Ali, the president of Mercy Hands, an Iraqi NGO that works to assist the ever-increasing number of internally displaced people (IDP's) in Iraq. A good read. Beyond covering the IDP crisis and the works Mr. Ali's organization does to mitigate it, the interview also offers some insight into the challenges Iraqi NGO's themselves face- from lack of funding to meddling national ministries. I found particularly interesting the fact that Khaldoon Ali refuses to accept funding from the US.

Here is that part of the interview:

epic: Have you received funding directly from the United States?

Khaldoon: We haven’t. As a demonstration of our neutrality, we are not willing to accept funding from parties involved in the conflict. It is also a matter of principle. In my experience, the U.S. has not been completely honest about its spending in Iraq.

I will give you a personal example. Not long ago, I was approached by an acquaintance who works with the U.S. to appropriate funds to Iraqi NGOs, and he offered to give me money. He said that his job is to give money to Iraqi NGOs and report back to Washington that it was spent to support democracy in Iraq’s “hot areas,” like Baghdad and Anbar province. He asserted to me that some NGOs were taking millions of U.S. dollars and simply sending fake “progress” reports back to the U.S.! When he reported these incidents of fraud, his supervisor said that as long as the money was being spent, he didn’t care. I was outraged.

Rather than receive direct assistance from the U.S., Mercy Hands only takes funds from multilateral agencies, like the UN, and some international NGOs. Though funding is sometimes scarce and difficult to come by, it is a more honest means, and it is a way to ensure that my organization does not fall into a trap that could hurt us more than help us in the end.